Biography
A Biography of Hussain Muhammad Ershad
Introduction
December 6, 1990. From morning, Dhaka was turbulent. Thousands of people poured onto the streets. The Awami League, BNP, and leftist parties — all merged together. This protest was not called ‘Operation Magnum’, but ‘Lathi Felo Andolon’ (Drop the Stick Movement). Ershad understood that the equation had changed. In the forenoon, he called an emergency meeting. Then, around noon, he announced — “I am resigning.”
Did he cry standing in the President’s House? Legend has it that this dictator was wiping his tears alone. Then, wearing a white Punjabi, he left Bangabhaban in an ordinary car. There was no final guard of honour; no farewell reception. The intoxication of power had ended a journey that began on March 24, 1982. That day, he had arrived with the army; today, he was leaving with empty pockets, his journey beginning on the path to prison.
Hussain Muhammad Ershad. Born in Dinahata, Rangpur, this man served as the President of Bangladesh from 1983 to 1990. Before that, he was Chief of Army Staff, later founder of the Jatiya Party and the National Party, a Member of Parliament, and ultimately at the peak of controversy. Until his death, he remained active in politics. On July 14, 2019, he breathed his last at CMH in Dhaka.
Although history identifies him as a dictator, he himself claimed to be a ‘pioneer of development’. This contradiction remains unresolved to this day. This 28-chapter narrative will present every step of Ershad’s politics — from his youth to military school, from President to prisoner, and finally to his death.
At a Glance — Life of Hussain Muhammad Ershad
| Information | Details | Special Note |
| Full Name | Hussain Muhammad Ershad | Abbreviated as H. M. Ershad |
| Nickname | Ershad | Known as ‘Friend of the Village’ (Pollibondhu); called ‘Hussain’ in the family |
| Birth | February 1, 1930, Dinahata, Cooch Behar, West Bengal, British India (present-day India) | A President of Bangladesh born on Indian soil; birth during British rule |
| Death | July 14, 2019, Combined Military Hospital (CMH), Dhaka (age 89) | Farewell after a long and complex life; was in a coma in his final days |
| Father | Makbul Hossain | Lawyer; respected figure in local society; had connections with the zamindar family of Cooch Behar |
| Mother | Majida Begum | Homemaker; believed in religious rituals; encouraged children in religious education |
| Siblings | G. M. Quader, Mozammel Hossain Lalu, Marina Rahman, and 9 siblings in total | G. M. Quader later became Chairman of Jatiya Party; Lalu is a businessman and politician |
| Spouse | Rowshan Ershad (married 1956, until death), Bidisha Siddique (married 2000, divorced 2005), Maryam Mumtaz (claimed marriage, controversial) | Rowshan Ershad is an MP and Jatiya Party leader; Eric Ershad from Bidisha |
| Children | Saad Ershad (from Rowshan, 1963), Zebin Ershad (adopted daughter), Eric Ershad (from Bidisha, 2001), Arman Ershad (adopted) | Saad Ershad is a politician and businessman; Eric stays with his mother after his parents’ divorce |
| Profession | President (1983-1990), Chief of Army Staff (1978-1982), Lieutenant General, founder of Jatiya Party, Member of Parliament (approx. 1986-2019) | From army to president, then party leader; was an MP until his death |
| Education | 1950: BA (Political Science) from University of Dhaka; 1966: Command and Staff College, Quetta; commissioned from Pakistan Military Academy in 1955 | Higher military training; was active in intellectual pursuits at Dhaka University, though not in student politics |
| Religion | Islam | Believed in religious customs; declared Islam as the state religion; performed Hajj and Umrah |
| Mother Tongue | Bengali | Lover of Bengali poetry and literature; proficient in Urdu, English, and Persian |
| Remarkable Achievements | Introduced Upazila system (title ‘Friend of the Village’); laid foundation for Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord; sent army to UN peacekeeping missions; declared Islam as state religion; played role in forming SAARC; held 1986 parliamentary elections; reformed agriculture and industry | Mix of developmental work and controversial decisions; many call him a ‘development dictator’; credited with sending Bangladesh’s first UN peacekeeping mission |
| Greatest Controversy | Authoritarian rule, political prisoners, suspension of constitution, interference in judiciary, ‘Janata Tower’ corruption case, numerous criticised incidents while in power; irregularities in 1986 election; government failure during 1988 floods; allegations of human rights violations | A complex character in history; a ‘dark chapter’ in Bangladesh’s democracy |
| Highest Recognition | UN Population Award (1987), UN Environment Award (1988) | International recognition; rare achievement in Asia; second head of state in Asia to receive this |
| Predecessor (President) | Abdus Sattar (1981-1982) | Ousted Sattar through military coup |
| Successor (President) | Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed (1990-1991, caretaker) | Took over after Ershad’s resignation under mass pressure |
| Political Party | Jatiya Party (1986-2019) | Founder Chairman; after his death, G. M. Quader took over party leadership |
| Military Rank | Lieutenant General (1979) | Highest rank in Bangladesh Army at that time; was a Major in the Pakistan Army |
Early Life
On February 1, 1930, Hussain Muhammad Ershad was born in a respectable Muslim family in the town of Dinahata, Cooch Behar district, West Bengal, British India. His father, Makbul Hossain, was a renowned lawyer and a respected figure in local society. He had connections with the zamindar family of Cooch Behar, which gave him social prestige. His mother, Majida Begum, was a homemaker and religious. Among nine siblings, Ershad was the eldest. From childhood, he was exceptionally talented, restless, and ambitious. Teachers at his school in Dinahata would say, “This boy will become very big one day.” As a child, he was skilled in football and cricket and participated in local competitions.
During the partition of India in 1947, Ershad’s family left West Bengal and moved to Rangpur in then East Pakistan. His adolescence and early youth were spent there. From childhood, he witnessed the anti-British movement, the bloodshed of partition, and the suffering of refugees. This experience sowed the seeds of patriotism and humanity in his mind. While studying at Carmichael College in Rangpur, he first came into contact with politics. He became involved in various social and cultural activities in Rangpur. Due to his father’s legal profession, legal and political discussions often took place at home, which deeply influenced his thinking.
Complete Account of Education (1936–1955)
Ershad’s education began at a primary school in Dinahata. After partition, he enrolled in Rangpur Zila School, from where he passed his matriculation (SSC). During this time, he was also involved with local student organisations. Later, he enrolled at Carmichael College in Rangpur, the best educational institution in the Rangpur region at that time, where talented students from Bengal and Assam studied. He earned his BA (Pass) degree in Political Science from there. As a college student, he engaged in debating and literary pursuits.
In 1950, he enrolled at the University of Dhaka, earning a BA Honours degree in Political Science. While studying at Dhaka University, he became interested in joining the ‘Pakistan Military Academy’. In late 1950, he joined the Pakistan Army. Meanwhile, in 1966, he earned a degree from the Command and Staff College in Quetta, where he received advanced training in military strategy and leadership. This training shaped him into a complete army commander. His time in education awakened leadership qualities and patriotism in him. He learned lessons in political science and diplomacy from his teachers at Dhaka University, which served him well during his tenure as army chief and president.
Joining the Pakistan Army and Early Career Chapter (1950–1965)
In late 1950, Hussain Muhammad Ershad joined the Pakistan Army. He received his commission from the Pakistan Military Academy in Kakul. In 1952, he joined the East Bengal Regiment in Chittagong (2nd East Bengal Regiment). There, he completed paratrooper and commando training. He was an exceptionally talented and hardworking officer in the army. Senior officers identified him as a future leader. While serving in the Pakistan Army, he completed several important courses and training that turned him into an international-standard army officer.
He actively participated in the 1965 India-Pakistan War. He served with a brigade in the Sialkot sector. He was praised for his skill and courage in the war. Not only praise, he also received the Hilal-i-Jur’at (Pakistan’s second-highest military award) for this war. It was a significant achievement in his military career. In 1969, he was appointed commander of the 3rd East Bengal Regiment. During this period, he completed advanced training from the British Army of the Rhine in West Germany, where he learned about NATO forces’ strategies.
The 1971 Liberation War and Prisoner of War Controversy
On the night of March 25, 1971, when the Pakistani army launched ‘Operation Searchlight’ and committed genocide, Ershad was stationed in West Pakistan. He was serving as a commander of an East Bengal Regiment. Many members of his regiment had taken the side of Bangladesh and returned to East Pakistan to join the war, but he was stranded in West Pakistan. In that situation, he remained silent; he did not openly say anything in favour of Bengalis.
After the war ended in East Pakistan, when the Pakistani army surrendered, Ershad returned to West Pakistan. He was not captured by India; rather, he finished the war as part of the Pakistan Army. According to some sources, he remained with the Pakistan Army during the Liberation War in 1971. For this reason, he has been criticised — he did not play a role ‘in favour of the Liberation War’, but remained with the Pakistani forces. Ershad’s supporters say he was stationed in West Pakistan at the time; there was nothing he could do. But many Bengali officers escaped from West Pakistan to India — why couldn’t Ershad? This question remains unresolved.
After the Simla Agreement in 1973, Ershad returned to Bangladesh. Upon returning, he joined the Bangladesh Army and was appointed Adjutant General. He was re-commissioned into the Bangladesh Army.
Appointment as Army Chief (1973–1978)
After returning to Bangladesh, Ershad was rapidly promoted in the Bangladesh Army. He served as Adjutant General. At that time, the Bangladesh Army was undergoing reorganisation. Amidst political instability and internal turmoil in the army, he proved himself a skilled, strategic, and determined officer. He gained a reputation as a ‘disciplined and professional’ officer.
After the assassination of Bangabandhu and his family on August 15, 1975, political chaos began in Bangladesh. Several mutinies and counter-mutinies occurred in the army. After the jail killings of November 3, 1975, and the Sepoy Revolution of November 7, the structure of the army changed. Amidst this instability, Ershad maintained his position. He pledged allegiance to Ziaur Rahman.
In 1978, then-President Ziaur Rahman appointed Ershad as Chief of Army Staff. Zia’s foresight played a role in this appointment; he wanted to restore discipline in the army through Ershad. In 1979, he was promoted to Lieutenant General — the highest rank in the Bangladesh Army at that time. The relationship between Ziaur Rahman and Ershad was complex. Ershad was loyal to Zia, but internally sought to consolidate his own position. Ziaur Rahman was brutally assassinated on May 30, 1981. Afterwards, Abdus Sattar became President. Army Chief Ershad served under Sattar. But instability increased in the country. Sattar’s weak governance and BNP’s internal conflict paved the way for Ershad to seize power.
The Bloodless Coup (March 24, 1982)
In the early morning of March 24, 1982, Lieutenant General Hussain Muhammad Ershad seized power through a military coup. Around 2 AM that night, army personnel surrounded Bangabhaban. President Abdus Sattar was ousted. At 7:30 AM, Ershad addressed the nation on radio. He said, “Corruption and chaos have engulfed the country. I have chosen this path to serve the nation.”
He declared the constitution suspended. He dissolved the National Parliament. He imposed martial law. He arrested ministers and government officials. He imposed censorship on the media. He banned political parties and assemblies. International reactions were mixed. While some countries, including the United States, recognised him, many criticised him. Neighbouring India expressed concern. But Ershad was firm — he said, “Restoring order is the most important task.” This coup was bloodless; no one, including Sattar, was physically harmed.
Frontman President The Mask of Power (1982–1983)
After seizing power, Ershad declared himself Chief Martial Law Administrator. He did not become President immediately — initially, he ruled from behind while keeping a civilian president in front. On March 27, 1982, Justice A. F. M. Ahsanuddin Chowdhury was made President, but real power remained in Ershad’s hands. Ahsanuddin was a ‘frontman’ — Ershad’s steward. Ershad used him to show that the country was under civilian rule. But in reality, Ershad made all the decisions.
During this time, Ershad formed a ‘National Council’ and placed army officers in key positions for running the country. Civil administration was weakened. On December 11, 1983, Ershad decided to become President himself. He removed Justice Ahsanuddin and became President and Chief Martial Law Administrator. This was the final step of consolidating his power. He took all structures of national authority into his own hands. During this time, opposition leaders were arrested, and processions and assemblies were banned. But the country was seeing development. Ershad’s announcement of the ‘Upazila’ system brought relief to ordinary people.
The 1983 Presidential Election and First Term
A presidential election was held in December 1983. Although the opposition Awami League and BNP boycotted the election, some small parties participated. Ershad defeated his opponent candidate by a huge margin and won (there was competition, but the result was a landslide). There was international criticism of the election, but Ershad remained firm in his position. He emphasised forming a legislature to stabilise the government. Until the 1986 parliamentary elections, martial law effectively remained in force. Gradually, Ershad built relationships with political parties and figures. He created a strategic network even before forming the ‘Jatiya Party’. After this election, he wanted to give a ‘democratic appearance’, but the opposition did not accept it.
Founding the Jatiya Party and the 1986 Parliamentary Election
On January 1, 1986, a new political party emerged — the Jatiya Party. Its founder and chairman was Hussain Muhammad Ershad. The party’s logo was the ‘plough’, symbolising farmers and workers. The main goal of the party was to legitimise Ershad’s rule and reduce the strength of the opposition. Ershad brought people from various classes and professions into the party. He brought in former freedom fighters, academics, businessmen, and even disgruntled leaders from the BNP and Awami League. He created his own mixed ideology by taking parts from the ideals of both Zia and Mujib.
In May 1986, parliamentary elections were held. The Jatiya Party won a majority. Although the opposition Awami League participated in the election (which was later criticised), the BNP did not. Allegations against Ershad’s government included: election rigging, the Election Commission working in favour of the ruling party, terror and oppression. Nevertheless, Ershad was able to create a foundation of legitimacy. Many called the Awami League’s participation in the election a ‘mistake’, as it increased the legitimacy of Ershad’s government.
Acquisition of the Title ‘Friend of the Village’
Ershad’s biggest and most lasting achievement was the introduction of the Upazila system. On August 15, 1982, a decree was issued establishing Upazila Parishads. Before this, there was a sub-division system, which was broken up into smaller Upazilas. Initially, the administrative head of the Upazilas was a Project Officer, but later, in 1985, elections for Upazila Parishads were held. People could vote at the local level. Upazila chairmen, both men and women, were elected, although there was conflict and irregularities in many rural areas.
For this initiative, Ershad was given the title ‘Pollibondhu’ (Friend of the Village). Ordinary people were happy because power was decentralised, and services reached the doorsteps of villages. Critics say the Upazila system created a strong base for Ershad, using local leaders to consolidate his position. Be that as it may, the Upazila system still exists in Bangladesh — it is Ershad’s most exemplary legacy. Subsequent governments have kept the core structure of the Upazila system intact.
Laying the Foundation for the Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord (1989) —
During Ershad’s time, the problem of the Chittagong Hill Tracts took on new dimensions. The Jumma indigenous people had long been victims of deprivation and military attacks. Conflict continued between the Shanti Bahini and the army. In March 1989, Ershad passed a special law for the Chittagong Hill Tracts. It provided for the formation of elected local councils in the hill districts. This was the first attempt at autonomy in indigenous-populated areas in Bangladesh’s history.
This later formed the basis for the Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord signed by Sheikh Hasina’s government in 1997. Many experts believe that although Ershad could not directly bring peace, he created the framework. There are also allegations of excessive deployment of army personnel and oppression in the Chittagong Hill Tracts during this time. Therefore, Ershad’s role is not unambiguous. On one hand, he passed a law; on the other, military operations were conducted. He has been criticised for this duplicity.
Declaration of Islam as State Religion and the Eighth Amendment (1988)
In June 1988, Islam was declared the state religion through the Eighth Amendment to the Constitution of Bangladesh. The constitution framed during Bangabandhu’s time was secular. Ziaur Rahman had already replaced the word ‘secular’ with ‘absolute trust and faith in Allah’. Ershad went one step further. The bill was passed in parliament on June 8, 1988. The declaration stated: “In accordance with the principles of Sharia, Islam shall be the state religion of the republic, but the recognition of other religions shall remain.”
The reasons behind Ershad’s step: to gain support from religious groups, to counter domestic and foreign pressure, especially to strengthen diplomatic relations with Middle Eastern countries, and to align with the Islamic world. Critics say it was contrary to the secular spirit of Bengalis. India and Western countries criticised it. It created fear among minority communities. This amendment is still debated; it has affected the legal and social framework of Bangladesh. In 2010, the High Court ruled that although Islam is the state religion, the rights of other religions will remain, but the debate is not fully resolved.
Success on the International Stage
In the 1980s, an initiative was taken to form a regional alliance among South Asian countries. Ershad was one of the architects of SAARC. His personal friendship with the King of Bhutan, Jigme Singye Wangchuck, accelerated this initiative. In December 1985, the first summit of SAARC was held in Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh. Ershad played an important role in bringing together leaders of seven countries (India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan, Maldives — Afghanistan joined later) on one platform. He believed that if South Asian countries wanted to reduce foreign dependency, regional cooperation was essential. Controversial aspect: SAARC has not been able to work effectively to this day; many important bilateral issues remain unresolved. But his diplomatic skill and effort caught everyone’s attention. Bangladesh was widely praised internationally for hosting the summit.
A Landmark Initiative and International Prestige
A landmark initiative of Ershad was supplying the Bangladesh Army to UN peacekeeping missions. Before him, the international importance of the Bangladesh Army was low. Ershad took this step to increase the army’s capacity and ensure professionalism. He held long discussions with the then UN Secretary-General and mentioned the training of Bangladeshi soldiers. In 1988, the first Bangladeshi peacekeepers were sent to Namibia. Since then, Bangladesh has become the largest contributor of peacekeepers to the UN — soldiers wearing blue berets are serving in various countries around the world. This has brought both economic benefits and increased international prestige. Ershad’s argument was that this would enhance the army’s professionalism and Bangladesh’s image worldwide. As a result of this initiative, the Bangladesh Army is now one of the most respected peacekeeping forces in the world.
The 1990 Mass Movement
By 1990, an alliance had formed among opposition parties. The Awami League (Sheikh Hasina), BNP (Khaleda Zia), and Jamaat-e-Islami (Ghulam Azam) built an anti-Ershad movement. The slogan ‘Down with Autocracy’ shook the entire country. Students launched a massive resistance called ‘Operation Magnum’ or the ‘Lathi Felo Andolon’. The leadership of the revolution included students, farmers, and professional organisations. From October 10, 1990, the movement reached its peak. On November 27, several ordinary people were killed in police and army firing at a rally in Dhaka (clashes occurred in the Dhaka University area). Ershad’s rule became increasingly unstable.
On December 4, a nationwide strike and blockade. The army withdrew its support for Ershad. The army chief, General Nuruddin Khan, informed him that the situation was no longer under control. Finally, on December 6, 1990, Ershad was forced to resign. Chief Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed took over as head of the caretaker government. Victory was assured. Democracy returned. Ershad’s fall made him a ‘symbol of authoritarian rule’.
Arrest and Imprisonment After the Fall (1991–1997)
After his resignation, a legal storm began for Ershad. He was accused in multiple cases of corruption, illegal possession of arms, abuse of power, and more. From January 1991 to 1997, he spent most of his time in prison. The ‘Janata Tower corruption case’ was a major allegation against him. The allegation was that he had taken government land allotments in his name, which were used for a building known as ‘Janata Tower’. In May 1998, the court convicted him and sentenced him to seven years of rigorous imprisonment. He appealed to the High Court and was later granted bail (he was released on bail in 2001). Even in prison, he won parliamentary elections. In the 1991 and 1996 elections, he was elected Member of Parliament without being released from prison (in the 1991 election, he received the nomination from jail and won by a huge margin). This is a rare example.
Political Pragmatism (2000–2008)
Around 2000, Ershad’s political position began to change. He built relations with the Awami League. When the Awami League was defeated in the 2001 election, Ershad went to the BNP. Later, in 2008, he again joined the Awami League’s ‘Grand Alliance’. In exchange for this alliance, efforts were made to withdraw cases against him or obtain presidential pardon. There are allegations of many undisclosed agreements. According to political analysts, Ershad changed alliances to survive and save his party. In the 2008 election, Ershad’s Jatiya Party joined the Grand Alliance and received several ministries (including advisory positions). In exchange, most of Ershad’s cases were withdrawn or given presidential pardon, according to allegations. Ershad’s opponents used to call him a ‘turncoat leader’. But Ershad would say, “I compromise for the national interest, not for personal interest.”
Personal Life and Controversial Relationships
Ershad’s personal life was a museum of controversy. In 1956, he married Rowshan Ershad. Rowshan Ershad later entered politics, becoming a Jatiya Party leader and Member of Parliament. They had a son, Saad Ershad (1963), and an adopted daughter, Zebin Ershad. Ershad had a strong addiction to golf. He popularised golf in Bangladesh, creating golf courses at government expense for the first time. He built his own golf course at his residence! This became a symbol of luxury and was criticised among ordinary people.
In 2000, he married Bidisha Siddique, who was much younger than him. Their son, Eric Ershad, was born. This marriage ended in 2005. Bidisha made allegations — that Ershad had physically and mentally abused her (reports mention this, but Ershad denied it). Earlier, in the 1980s, a woman named Maryam Mumtaz claimed to have been ‘married’ to Ershad. This became a major issue in the media in 1990. Maryam Mumtaz filed a case in the United States. Ershad denied all allegations, but the matter went to court. There were also rumours of affairs with Zinat Mosharraf. Ershad’s personal life was never peaceful.
Poet and Golf Lover
Many do not know that Ershad was a Bengali poet. He wrote several poetry collections. His books include Nabannay Shukher Ghran, Konak Pradeep Jwol, Smritir Bankey Bankey, Amar Dekha Dinlipi, and others. The themes of his poetry were patriotism, nature, and romance. He would often recite poetry at press conferences — “I love the soil of this country, I am bound by the pull of the people of this country.” Critics said that while in power, he used government funds to promote his poetry books. However, he did not receive much recognition in the country’s literary arena.
He is credited with popularising the game of golf in Bangladesh. He played golf regularly. He would go to the field with his bodyguard, ADC, and a few close associates. Golf is not just a luxury; he would say, “Golf is a game of discipline. Military life is also about discipline. That’s why golf is my favourite.” He was also known in diplomatic circles for playing golf.
National and International Recognition
During his rule, Ershad received two international awards: the UN Population Award (1987) — for strengthening population control activities in Bangladesh, reducing child and maternal mortality, and expanding family planning — the UN honoured him for this. The UN Environment Award (1988) — for increasing global environmental awareness and sustainable development. He was the second head of state in Asia to receive this award. Additionally, although the title ‘Pollibondhu’ was not official, there was popular love for him. He gave others the ‘Independence Award’ during his time, but did not receive it himself. After his death, he received state honours, but the scale was not large — rather, there were mixed reactions.
The Last Decade of Life (2009–2019)
After the 2008 election, Ershad served in various roles in the Grand Alliance, including Agricultural Advisor and Member of Parliament. But his physical condition continued to deteriorate. The Jatiya Party participated in the 2014 election, but Ershad himself was not very active. He sometimes went to parliament, but spent most of his time in hospital. He suffered from diabetes, kidney, and heart-related complications. Yet he never left politics. He would attend parliament and give speeches, making party decisions. During this time, he brought institutional changes to the Jatiya Party, making his son Saad Ershad the acting leader of the party.
On June 26, 2019, he was admitted to the Combined Military Hospital (CMH) in Dhaka. On June 29, his physical condition deteriorated severely. He was placed in the ICU. On Sunday evening, July 14, he breathed his last. Ershad was 89 years old at the time of death. His last wish was to be buried at the shrine complex of Hazrat Shahjalal (RA) in Sylhet, but due to family and administrative complications, it did not happen.
Death and Funeral (July 14-15, 2019)
On July 14, 2019, at 6:05 PM, Ershad breathed his last at the Combined Military Hospital (CMH) in Dhaka. President Abdul Hamid and Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina expressed grief at his death. On July 15, the first funeral was held at the Baitul Mukarram National Mosque after Zuhr prayer. Top political figures, army officers, and diplomats attended the funeral. Afterwards, a guard of honour and a 21-round salute were given with state honours. A third funeral was held in Rangpur (another source says Sylhet? There is confusion). Finally, he was buried at Banani Graveyard. However, there is controversy over the final resting place — some sources indicate that his body was buried at the Shahjalal shrine complex in Sylhet, but it is not clear. There was also an application for burial at the family graveyard in Dinajpur, but that did not happen. A road and a children’s hospital in Dhaka have not been officially named after him, but the Jatiya Party has taken initiatives to establish various institutions in his name.
Controversies and Criticisms
The biggest allegations against Ershad: authoritarian rule and human rights violations. During his time, political prisoners were held and tortured. Censorship was imposed on newspapers. The judiciary was not independent. There are also allegations of ‘interference in judge appointments’ and ‘disobeying the law’. The ‘Dhaka City Corporation election’ in 1987 was controversial; the elections during his rule cannot be called fair. He was criticised for the government’s inadequate relief measures during the devastating floods of 1988. Allegations: he engaged in widespread corruption while in power. Allegations of the ‘Janata Tower’ scandal, arms possession cases, and various irregularities remain. The court convicted him. Disobeying the law: he suspended the constitution, which the Supreme Court declared ‘illegal’ in 2011 (a ruling stated that his self-declared martial law and government were illegal). On the other hand, his supporters say order was necessary for development. And the corruption cases were political vendetta. History’s judgment is difficult — especially for a controversial figure like Ershad.
Legacy and Influence on Bangladesh’s Politics
After Ershad left power, his party, the Jatiya Party, still survives in Bangladesh’s politics. Although the party is not very strong, it holds importance in coalition politics. Positive legacy: the Upazila system, the Chittagong Hill Tracts peace framework, professionalising the army, starting UN peacekeeping, leadership in the South Asian regional alliance, some improvements in education and health. Negative legacy: autocracy, corruption, weakening democracy, harming secularism by declaring Islam the state religion. Bangladesh has been practising democracy since 1991. But Ershad’s legacy is still discussed. Many young people do not understand the difference between the ‘Zia-Ershad’ era, and many desire a ‘strong-handed ruler’ — especially during times of uncertainty. This contradiction in politics also questions Ershad’s death.
Key Events in the Life of Hussain Muhammad Ershad (1930–2019)
| Year | Event |
| 1930 | February 1 — Born in Dinahata, Cooch Behar, West Bengal |
| 1950 | Passed BA from University of Dhaka; joined Pakistan Army; commissioned from Military Academy, Kakul |
| 1952 | Joined East Bengal Regiment in Chittagong (2nd East Bengal) |
| 1956 | Married Rowshan Ershad |
| 1965 | Participated in India-Pakistan war (Sialkot sector); received Hilal-i-Jur’at medal |
| 1966 | Earned degree from Command and Staff College, Quetta |
| 1969 | Appointed commander of 3rd East Bengal Regiment |
| 1971 | Stationed in West Pakistan during Liberation War; prisoner of war controversy |
| 1973 | Returned to Bangladesh; appointed Adjutant General |
| 1975 | August 15 — Assassination of Bangabandhu; remained steadfast in Bangladesh Army; army structure changed during coups of November 3 and 7 |
| 1978 | Appointed Chief of Army Staff by President Ziaur Rahman |
| 1979 | Promoted to Lieutenant General |
| 1981 | May 30 — Ziaur Rahman assassinated; Abdus Sattar became President |
| 1982 | March 24 — Seized power through military coup; March 27 — Made Justice Ahsanuddin Chowdhury (nominal) President; August 15 — Introduced Upazila system |
| 1983 | December 11 — Became President himself and Chief Martial Law Administrator |
| 1985 | Hosted first SAARC summit (Dhaka) |
| 1986 | January 1 — Founded Jatiya Party; May — Parliamentary elections (Jatiya Party won) |
| 1987 | Received UN Population Award |
| 1988 | June 8 — Declared Islam as state religion through Eighth Amendment; received UN Environment Award; August — Severe floods and criticism of government failure |
| 1989 | March — Passed Chittagong Hill Tracts local council law |
| 1990 | December 6 — Resigned under mass movement; Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed became head of caretaker government |
| 1991 | Arrested; began imprisonment; elected MP from jail in February parliamentary election |
| 1996 | Re-elected MP (won from jail while on bail) |
| 1998 | Convicted in Janata Tower case and sentenced to 7 years rigorous imprisonment (later appealed and got bail) |
| 2000 | Married Bidisha Siddique (divorced 2005) |
| 2001 | Released on bail; Jatiya Party joined four-party alliance |
| 2008 | Jatiya Party joined Grand Alliance; elected MP |
| 2009 | Expressed allegiance to Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina; Jatiya Party joined government |
| 2011 | Supreme Court ruled that Ershad’s self-declared martial law was illegal |
| 2014 | Participated in 10th parliamentary election; elected MP |
| 2018 | Elected MP for the last time in 11th parliamentary election |
| 2019 | June 26 — Admitted to CMH; July 14 — Died in the evening (age 89); July 15 — State funeral and guard of honour; buried at Banani Graveyard |
Conclusion
Hussain Muhammad Ershad is one of the most controversial and mysterious characters in the history of Bangladesh. He ruled the country under armed rule for eight years, yet after his fall, he stood in the dock of the law. He was convicted of corruption and autocracy, yet he set a precedent in local governance with the Upazila system. Did he truly earn the title ‘Friend of the Village’ with real labour, or merely through propaganda traps? History’s judgment will answer this question.
He enhanced Bangladesh’s image by sending the army to UN missions. He played an important role in forming SAARC. On the other hand, he killed democracy. He illegally suspended the party and constitution. He strangled the media. Even after his death, his shadow looms over Bangladesh’s politics. The Jatiya Party still survives in the ‘Grand Alliance’. Is this a question of principle or pragmatism? Ershad’s legacy remains unresolved. He was a power-hungry tyrant, yet also a friend of farmers, a development worker, a visionary. Turning the pages of history, we see ambiguity working in every powerful ruler’s mind.
The younger generation of Bangladesh may know Ershad only as a ‘former president’, but those who gave their lives in the movements of the 1980s remember him as a ‘dictator’. Yet others remember him as ‘Friend of the Village’, who showed the path of decentralisation. This dual outline of Ershad will forever glitter in the pages of Bangladesh’s history. His story is only the beginning, not the end. Today, at his death, we cannot make simple judgments. What we can do is try to understand the complexity of history.
Hussain Muhammad Ershad may not live forever, but with the labels of ‘King of Complexity’, ‘Friend of the Village’, ‘Dictator’, ‘Developer’ — he will live on in every corner of Bengal’s history. On the day he sat on the throne, he thought he would stay forever. But in the end, he had to swim back in the boat he had launched with tears. Has anyone ever truly tasted the nectar of power? Ershad did not; rather, its bitter taste haunted him until his final days.
“On the day he sat on the throne, he thought he would stay forever. But in the end, he had to swim back in the boat he had launched with tears. Has anyone ever truly tasted the nectar of power? Ershad did not; rather, its bitter taste haunted him until his final days.”
